Peresyp and police surveillance – families and detention at Ellis Island

Jewish Chronicle 15 December 1905
The Anti-Jewish Atrocities in Russia. Further Narratives. The Reign of Terror at Odessa (from our correspondent)
Odessa, 30 November
A doctor on military service living in the Peressip suburb requested the aide-de-camp of Baron Kaulbars, with whom he stood on friendly terms, to protect his house. Forty soldiers were immediately placed at the doctor’s disposal and the hooligans were put to flight. The police officer who was leading the hooligans informed Kaulbers that soldiers, led by a Jewish doctor, were firing on ‘patriots’. Having ascertained that the doctor was a Jew, the fact of which the aide-de-camp had been ignorant, orders were given to demolish the house; the doctor and his family had a narrow escape. The walls were literally riddled with bullets.

 
A relatively uncommon name, in the Peresyp letter and in the list of those under police surveillance, was Goikhman (Гойхман). There were the brothers under surveillance, David Iankel Goikhman and Mordko Iankel Goikhman, then there was 50-year-old A. Sch. Goichman in the Peresyp letter, and 45-year-old Shlema Gershov Goikhman who died in the pogrom and may have shared his name, Shlema, with the patronymic of A. Sch. Goichman. Quite a few Goichman or Gochman families left Odessa for America after the pogrom. There were many spellings and misspellings of the name Goichman, and many changes of first names, so it was not easy to tie together families leaving Odessa and living in America. One Goichman/Gochman was a widow of about 50, Leie later Lena, who travelled to New York in 1913 with two of her grandchildren to live with her daughter, Sara Nechetzky. She is about the right age to have been the widow of Shlema. Leie and the children were held for a Board of Special Inquiry at Ellis Island, and it is marked on the manifest that Leie suffered from senility and curvature of the spine, which might affect her ability to work.

Ellis_Island_arrivals 1904

Ellis Island inspection hall 1904

Could this ‘senility’ have been the results of whatever circumstances led to this woman been widowed and the stress of travelling with two small children from Odessa to New York, possibly speaking no language except Yiddish and unable to read or write?

gochman leie 1913 extract

Leie Gochman SS Volturno manifest arrived NY 15 Feb 1913

The Gochmans and Nechetzkys seem to have been quite a large family who lived near each other around East 100th Street in Manhattan. In searching the many Goichman names online I also came upon 2 people in mental asylums, as the word ‘inmate’ tends to stand out on the page. This made me think again about the problems of surviving pogroms and then emigrating, often with young children. One of the inmates in the 1940 census was from Odessa, a teacher of 35 called Anna Goichman, who was at Rockland State Hospital on the Hudson River, which, at its peak, had 9000 inmates. Also in 1940, a 29-year-old Joseph Goichman was in an enormous Long Island hospital, Pilgrim State Hospital, which housed up to 14,000 inmates. Anna appears meticulously in the records with her family up until 1940, but Joseph appears nowhere except possibly as someone who emigrated to Québec, Canada in 1928.

Anna’s records go beyond the censuses. In June 1938 there was an article in the New York Sun about the teachers’ retirement board and a protest about two teachers who were retired without having asked to be. There is then a list of other teachers retiring because of disability including Anna Goichman, who had been teaching at PS 34, a Bronx primary school, close to her family home at 1566 White Plains Road. She had lived with her family until 1931 when she is listed in a Bronx directory as a teacher living at 36 White Plains Road, near where the road reaches the East River.

PS34AmethystAve&Victor

PS 34

1566 white plains rd

1566 White Plains Rd (house with green door)

Had Anna made a bid for independence that went horribly wrong when she moved away from the centre of the Bronx to the quieter waterside, which was not very different from the small lanes near the Odessa coast? Had she moved because of problems at home?

harding park bronx east river

The East River at the end of White Plains Road with Manhattan in the distance

Looking at where Anna may have gone walking along the river, it seems to be an area of contrasts – of messy boat sheds, oil drums, discarded tyres, and general boat rubbish, but also wasteland appropriated for tidy little gardens with their flamboyant plant urns and garden furniture.

white plains rd end

Gardens by the East River

white plains rd end 2

boats, sheds and integrity on the East River

Anna was only 33 in May 1940 when she was listed under the Bronx civil court records as a plaintiff, probably being committed to the asylum. The next record is from the Social Security death index. She received her Social Security number in 1963, when she must have left the hospital and taken a job. She had been living in Middleton, a town fairly near the hospital, when she died in 1971.

rockland state hospital

rockland state hospital 2

Rockland State Hospital

Anna being committed to an institution led me to wonder what had happened to the rest of the family. As the comprehension of the name Goichman for census-takers was so difficult, it is not easy to find members of the family. In 1910, the name Goichman was spelt Goehmincls. But eventually some records were found for each member of the family. The three sons, Harry, Sam, and Milton all became plumbers like their father and all married. Harry and Sam married before 1930 and Milton, the youngest by 1940. Harry went to live with his wife’s family in Yonkers, but the other two brothers stayed near the family in the Bronx. Sam was only a few streets away. The younger daughter, Sophie, was still a student at home in 1930. Of the brothers, only Milton appears on the 1940 census. He had moved to a different area of the Bronx. Sophie seems to disappear. The parents, Nathan and Esther, also are not easy to find in 1940, although Nathan filled out a 1942 World War II registration with an address in the Bronx, further north than they had been living. The Nechetsky family also moved to the Bronx and all of them stayed in the South Bronx round 163rd Street.

Why was it Anna, the child born in Russia in 1905, shortly before the family emigrated, who was committed to an asylum? Why had Nathan and Esther left Odessa shortly after their first child was born? Like many families, there is a different emigration date on each census, one even before Anna was born (while still saying she was born in Russia). Eventually I found Nathan, as Nathin Goichman, a locksmith, on the SS Statendam sailing from Rotterdam in June 1904, his last residence having been London. Anna’s birthdate on her death record was 7 February 1905. It was possible that Nathan had only stayed briefly in London, as ‘last residence’ does not necessarily mean last permanent residence. I could not find Esther on a ship’s list but their next child, Harry, was born on 5 September 1906, which means that Esther and Anna must have arrived in New York very soon after the pogrom, by January 1906, unless Harry was born early. Anna may have had a difficult first few years, possibly having witnessed the pogrom and experienced the fear, followed by the long trip to America, her parents trying to get to grips with a new country with little money and a new baby. In the New York death records, there is a Nathan Gershma Goichman who died in 1946, and if this was him then he might have been the younger brother of the Shlema Gershkov who died in the pogrom. They might also have been related to the brothers on the surveillance list, and possibly to Lena Gochman and the Nechetskys.

Milton retired to Florida and died in 1999. Sam died in 1966, age 59, and is buried in Bayside cemetery in Queens. Harry died in 1978 in the Adirondacks. His residence was in the small community of Blooming Grove, a beautiful rural area, in the same county where his sister had been institutionalised. Possibly the family had always remained in touch with her. He is however buried at Huntington Station, Long Island, an area where Long Island is becoming more rural, which must have been his previous or main home. This is the first family who was able to move out of the city, which might have been Anna’s idea when she moved closer to the East River.

blooming grove ny 2

Blooming Grove, New York

In searching for Anna Goichman on a ship’s list, I tried the name ‘Chane’ and found another baby, six months old, travelling from Odessa with her parents Josef and Rose Goychmann and her grandmother Janke Goychmann shortly after the pogrom on 30 December 1905. They had no friends or relatives in the US and were sponsored by the Hebrew Society, which I assume is the Hebrew Immigration Aid Society (HIAS). I had no idea that people affected by the pogrom were able to find space on ships for America as early as December 1905. I had assumed that the ships might have been booked for several months. If not, it might be that the ships leaving in the few months after the pogrom had some of the people most affected by the pogrom on board, even if their names were not in the pogrom records, as many more probably were killed in the pogrom, and there was also the large group who had their homes and livelihoods destroyed. HIAS had a huge operation at Ellis Island helping immigrants with form filling, money, food, and locating housing and jobs, both in New York and across the country. According to Wikipedia:

 

In the half-century following the establishment of a formal Ellis Island bureau in 1904, HIAS helped more than 100,000 Jewish immigrants who might otherwise have been turned away. They provided translation services, guided immigrants through medical screening and other procedures, argued before the Boards of Special Enquiry to prevent deportations, lent needy Jews the $25 landing fee, and obtained bonds for others guaranteeing their employable status. The Society was active on the island facilitating legal entry, reception, and immediate care for the newly arrived.

 
HIAS also searched for relatives of detained immigrants in order to secure the necessary affidavits of support to guarantee that the new arrivals would not become public charges. Lack of such affidavits and/or material means impacted a large number of immigrants: of the 900 immigrants detained during one month in 1917, 600 were held because they had neither money nor friends to claim them. Through advertising and other methods, the Society was able to locate relatives for the vast majority of detainees, who in a short time were released from Ellis Island.

 
One of HIAS’ jobs was to deal with orphans travelling alone. I have never seen a record of a child alone on a ship’s manifest except the Scheindless brothers who seemed to be in a group with an adult. This is a photograph of orphans from the 1905 pogrom travelling from Odessa to New York in May 1908.

orphans arrived 1908

HIAS also had offices in Europe but I could not find any information about their role in helping families emigrate. Josef lists his profession as merchant, which suggests that he had his own business, so I assume that he lost everything in the pogrom necessitating help from HIAS who may have come to Odessa specifically because of the pogrom.

gojchman josef ship 1906 close

Goychmann family, December 1905, Hebrew Society

Like Leie Gochman, this family also had to go through the Board of Special Inquiry, probably to check that the Hebrew Society would continue to settle them. There was another Goichmann family of two merchant brothers, Chaim and Idel, and families including two children of 3 and 2, on the same ship being helped by the Hebrew Society. It seems that this large extended family, who may have worked together in a business, all had their livelihoods destroyed by the pogrom. This would have been around the same time that Esther Goichman was leaving with Anna. The other two families may have been related to Josef but could not use him as a sponsor as he had only recently arrived in New York himself. I began a search for the family of Josef and Rose and after finding no Goichman or Gochman families with those names, tried to search with only the first names and discovered a family in which all the dates and ages matched a Josef and Rose Gutmann with three children, Stella, the same age as Chane, Morris and David. Joseph’s brother, Meyer, was also living with them. Josef was working as a cap maker in a sweatshop, quite a change from being a merchant in Odessa.

sweatshop 1910

Clothing sweatshop New York c1910

By 1920 the family had moved to Brooklyn, Josef was working in a cap factory, and there were two more daughters. Morris and David’s names had changed to Max and Theodore, and the family name had changed to Goodman. Rose’s mother, Sylvia Luskin, was now living with them. In 1930 they were living in the same place and Josef is described as a cap maker and proprietor. They had had another son. Stella had married and was living with her in-laws not far from her family on a street of terraced two-storey houses. What particularly interested me about this family, besides the incredible number of name changes, was eventually finding an online family tree which had begun with the Goodman descendants but could not find their way back through the previous names, Guttman or Goichman, and had no idea where the family had come from and what had brought them to America. They had no idea of Josef Goichman, the Odessa merchant, who had left directly after the pogrom helped by the Hebrew Aid Society. The silence permeated through many generations and so many stories were lost, as in my family.

Because I had known nothing about the lives of any of my older relations, they meant very little to me – I could not differentiate one from the other, especially as they rarely addressed the children. I had once asked and been told the family had come from Russia but nothing more was said, and I’m not sure I actually believed it. If I had been given some idea of their lives in those days before electricity, cars and telephones, of the forests and huge spaces, I would have been fascinated and wanted to hear their stories. If only I had been shown an old postcard and someone had said, ‘This is where we lived.’ Instead they were silent and seen only as distant old people, sitting, observing us children, from a far-off corner of the room.

Navahradak,_Rynak_(XX)

Novogrudok, Minsk district, marketplace

Another name, Groisman (Гройсман), was in the pogrom death records, on the surveillance list, and, between 1893 and 1908, had eight members on the Odessa Jewish small business list, both in the centre and in Moldavanka. In the 1904-05 directory, one Groisman owned property at 15 Alexander St., one was a second guild merchant with a fish business at 74 Bolshaya Arnautnaya, and another had a lumbar business in Moldavanka at 40 Gospitalnaya. None of them had a similar name to Samuil Shimonov, 22, in the death records, or Leivi Itsek Moishe, 26, on the police surveillance list. However, on the ships’ lists, leaving Odessa in April 1906 was a woman of 30, Chane (later Eva) Groisman, with four children, travelling to her husband in New York, Jossel (later Joseph), a butcher. Their eldest son was called Moishe, then Morris, so there may have been a connection with Leivi Itsek Moishe. There were also several Josephs on the business list. The other children were Liube (Lillian), 9, Hersch (Harry), 5, and Roza (Rose), 3. The family was temporarily detained by the Board of Special Inquiry, the two younger children were admitted to the hospital and it was noted that Moishe had atrophy and partial paralysis of one leg, possibly from polio.

groisman ship 1906 paralysis

Chane Groisman travelling to her husband Jossel, April 1906

At first the family, now Grossman, lived on First Avenue in East Manhattan and then moved to the Bronx, to Simpson St near 163rd St, where the Nechetskys had settled. In 1920, Joseph’s much younger sister, Anna, 28, was living with them as well.

940 simpson st bronx

940 Simpson St, Bronx

The family remained there until 1940, when Joseph, now a widower, Morris and Lillian, both single, moved further north in the Bronx near to where Harry and his family had settled. Morris had not married, possibly because of his weak leg, and Lillian, the eldest, seems to have taken the role from childhood of looking after the family. The youngest daughter, Rose, disappears from the records. She does not appear in the New York marriage records, although she may left New York and married. There are several Rose Grossmans in the death records, both in the Bronx and other parts of New York, so she may have stayed, choosing to live by herself and avoid the public records, possibly because she was out a lot. She is last in the census in 1920 as a 17-year-old, living at home, working in a department store. Lillian was working as a stenographer, Morris as a bookkeeper, and Harry as a shop clerk. Everyone in this tightknit family had their role to play settling into New York life until sometime after 1920 when Rose, like Anna Goichman, went her own way. Although this family is easy to trace as there were not endless name changes, it is difficult to work backwards and imagine where they might have been living in Odessa and who they might have been.

The Jewish families who wanted to leave Peresyp after the pogrom were all working class families but several of the names, such as Poliakov, Nemirovsky, and Rabinovich, which are relatively common, also included very wealthy Jewish families either in Odessa or elsewhere. Lazar Poliakov (1843-1914) was a wealthy banker and Lazar Leib, 18, who died in the pogrom, may have been his grandson. In the 1904-5 directory, many Poliakovs owned property in both the centre and Moldavanka. There is one L. Poliakov who owned a property in the middle of Moldavanka, at 29 Rozumovskaya, which is a continuation of the street running through the centre, Malaya Arnautskaya. The house below is 27 as there is a gap and then modern buildings where 29 might have been.

27 rozumovskaya poliakov 2

27 Rozumovskaya

Gelman (Гельман) is another common Jewish name and two different Gelman families were victims of the pogrom, a young man of 25 and a woman of 38 with two small children of 5 and 2. Their names do not relate to the worker on the Peresyp letter, the five Gelmans on the Jewish business list, or the member of the social Democratic committee wanted by the police, Azriel Nakhimov.

1816 GELMAN Shaya Shlemov 25
1915 GELMAN Efoim-Menash Zusev 2 years 5 months
2018 GELMAN Isruel Zusev 5
1570 GELMAN Fradya Meerova 38

I mention them because the mother and two children are the only family group of mother and children in the records, although, according to the accounts, there were many deaths of mothers and small children in the pogrom. The father of the children, Zus Gelman, does not come up anywhere in the records. On the Jewishgen Odessa database, an Israel Gelman was born in 1900 (http://thefamilytree.com.ar/odessa/RES_AODB_Home.asp). The index does not carry on until 1903, but there are some individual birth records and one includes a Gelman child born in July 1903 with different parents. Efoim would have been born around May or June. He must have had remaining family if they knew his age so exactly.

My next step will be to return to Odessa to explore other places Jews may have lived outside the main areas of the centre, Moldavanka, Slobodka Romanovka and Peresyp.

Peresyp and police surveillance

Peresyp (Пересып) was one of the later areas of the city to be attacked in the pogrom as it is separated from the rest of the city by a ravine, and was not on the route of the marchers. It is a predominantly working class area and only 20% of the population was Jewish, compared with 50% in some other areas. Even though it runs along the coast, it was a mostly industrial area which does not feature much in Odessa history, as it does not compare with either the wealthy centre or colourful Moldavanka. Its own stories must lie hidden in the walls of the old buildings still lining the main streets and small lanes. The Jews in Peresyp were shopkeepers as well as skilled artisans, factory workers and casual labourers on the nearby docks. Several factories related to the grain trade, such as flour mills , as grain was brought from the interior to the port at Odessa to be shipped all over the world. As much of the grain throughout the 19th century was brought to the docks by oxen dragging heavy wooden carts over the unmade roads, there were also tanneries, slaughter houses and factories for meat preservation and tallow making, as it was not worth the cost and effort to take all the oxen and carts back.

odessa port cattle

Oxen, carts and sacks of wheat, 19th c

Many Jews took on the laborious business of visiting farms throughout the Ukraine and coordinating the delivery of grain to Odessa, a process that lasted from May to September. Eventually the transport was taken over by rail.

peresyp moskovskyu st

Moscovskaya St, Peresyp

peresyp 1890

Peresyp 1890

Probably quite a few of the pogrom hooligans were the casual dockworkers who lived around Peresyp and did not want to rampage in their own area, leaving it to others to finally march down the streets causing destruction. None of the Russian reports focuses on or even mentions the streets attacked or the numbers of people killed in Peresyp.

Peresyp on google streetview

peresyp factory 2

otamana chepihy peresyp

However, on the website Museum of Family History (http://www.museumoffamilyhistory.com/ce/odessa/pogrom-unionmembers-A-G.htm) there is a letter written by Jacob Tenenholz to the Committee of the Jewish Colonization Association in Paris from a group of about 100 Jewish Peresyp union-members and heads of households asking for help to leave Russia after the pogrom. The letter is written from the address 17 Bozhakina St. Peresyp is long and narrow, running along the coast, and originally had four main parallel streets, one of them the coast road, and the third one being Bozhakina.

odessa map 1888 peresip

Peresyp

odariya st perecyp

Now the coast road is broken up and two of the parallel roads make up the carriageways of the M14. Many road names have changed. If the second carriageway was the old Bozhakina St, then this would have been the house where Jacob Tenenholz lived and possibly one of the streets affected by the pogrom.

17 M14 bozhakina peresyp

17 Bozhakina St, Peresyp

Nine families on the list also had the same names as people in the pogrom death records, although several were fairly common Jewish names. The list of nine families was as follows:

D. Dorin, age 38, “charrotier”wife, age 36, sons: ages 15, factory worker; ages 11, 6 and 1, daughter, age 4
Muny Dorin, age 46, “s’occupe de charriage?” wife, age 44, son, age 14
G. Gelman, age 32, buttonier wife, age 30, sons: ages 12, 5 and 2, sister, age 20, milliner
A. Sch. Goichman, age 50 wife, age 45, sons: 23, 10 and 5, daughters: 21, 14 and 7
S. Kritschevsky, age 38, worker in a mill wife, age 35, sons: ages 14, 12 and 11, daughter, age 3
Ichel Mankovsky, age 33, labourer wife, age 26, sons: ages 7 and 6, daughter, age 4
R. Nemirorovsky, age 40, “currently colonist” wife: age 38, shopkeeper, son, age 17, daughters: ages 11 and 8
W. Poleikov, age 38, “bottenier,” labourer wife, age 36, sons: ages 12, 8 and 3, daughters: ages 10 and 6
W. Rabinovitsch, age 46, labourer wife, age 38, sons: ages 17 and 16

The people in the pogrom death records with these surnames, 4 adults, 4 in their teens, and 2 small children, are:

1841 Dorin Berel Motev 31
1815 Goikhman Shlema Gershov 45
1816 Gelman Shaya Shlemov 25
1915 Gelman Efoim-Menash Zusev 2 years 5 months
2018 Gelman Isruel Zusev 5
1570 Gelman Fradya Meerova 38
1871 Krichevski Gersh Khaikelev 19
1888 Mankovski Moishe Idelev 19
1902 Nemirovski Yankel Moishev 15
1946 Polyakov Lazar Leibov 18
1564 Rabinovich Freida 70
1963 Rabinovich Avrum Nukhimov 60
2033 Rabinovich Solomon about 30 visitor from Riga

1841 Дорин Берел Мотьев 31
1815 Гойхман Шлема Гершков 45 Кодым
1816 Гельман Шая Шлемов 25
1915 Гельман Эфоим-Менаш Зусьев 2г 5м
2018 Гельман Исруэль Зусьев 5
1570 Гельман Фрадя Меерова 38
1871 Кричевский Герш Хайкелев 19
1888 Маньковский Мойше Иделев 19
1902 Немировский Янкел Мойшев 15
1946 Поляков Лазар Лейбов 18
1564 Рабинович Фрейда 70
1963 Рабинович Аврум Нухимов 60
2033 Рабинович Соломон около 30

Two other family names were in the pogrom records and in the 1904-5 directory owning property in Peresyp, Goliak and Fefer, (Голяк и Фефер) although they owned property in several areas. Duvid Faivelev-Leibov was a second guild grain merchant who owned property in the centre and in Peresyp, one at 160 Bozhakina St, but the 22-year-old who died in the pogrom, Abram-Lazar Leibov may not have been related.  G. Goliak owned property on the outskirts of Peresyp, at Slobodka Baltovka on Baltskaya, but the pogrom victim was 36-year-old Luzer Duvidovich, and there was a D Goliak who owned a house in Moldavanka at 39 Vinogradnaya and was possibly the father of Luzer, as mentioned earlier (The pogrom at Moldavanka).

slobodka baltovka

Peresyp Slobodka Baltovka (Слободка Балтовка)

Google streetview does not cover Slobodka Baltovka or Baltskaya, which lie across the railroad line from the main running along the coast. While trying to position the marker to see if it was possible to get a view across the railway, I accidentally found myself on a little lane going down to the sea, nearby but in the other direction from Baltskaya. It seemed a typical little Peresyp lane.

peresyp near baltskaya

Peresyp lane to the coast

Of the surnames on the list of families in Peresyp desperately trying to leave Russia, it stood out that several appear on lists of people, including whole families, wanted by the police in Odessa for their socialist activities. There is one list online entitled Jews under police surveillance 1905 (http://www.eilatgordinlevitan.com/rokiskis/rok_pages/jews_under_police_surveillance_1905_parts1and2.html), which has several surnames that are in the pogrom death records. The people under surveillance were:

Goikhman, David Iankel
Groisman, Levi Itsek Moshko
Kaplun, Mordko Meier
Rabinovich, Viktor Khaim-Iankel
Shapiro, Maria Semen

Another list of people wanted by the Okhrana in Odessa is in an online excerpt from an article in Avotaynu Winter,1995 by George Bolotenko with references to material from the Russian archives – Odessa Okhrana Detachment March 1905-1906:

Azirel Nakhimov GELMAN (member of the Social Democratic Committee)
Zisia Maruksev FEINSHTEIN (19 yrs old of No.83 Preobrashenskaia Street)
Mordko Iankelev GOIKHMAN
These were members who met on January 29, 1905 at the home of the son of
Zhakar Movsheve MIKHELOVSKII at 29 Malia Arnautskaia Street. The police took ten people into custody.

This list also includes people from the Peresyp list, Gelman and Goikhman, the Goikhmans being brothers. Although the police surveillance list includes family members, the family of David Iankel Goikhman does not include Mordko Iankel Goikhman who is on the second list. Most of the Odessa people on the surveillance list were not originally from Odessa, but had been involved in a revolutionary group in Odessa and were now missing. There is also an online Okhrana 1905 document from Paris which includes several interceptions from Odessa, again with names, Kofman and Leschinsky, which are also in the pogrom death records (cdn.calisphere.org/data/…/Okhrana_XIIIc_Incoming%20Dispatches.pdf ):

Iosa D Leshhinskiy from Odessa received permission to go abroad
Interc. letter from ‘Nilka’ in Geneva to Osip Kofman in Odessa, for Faya: asks for assistance in distributing the manifesto of the Anarcho-Communists

None of the actual people under police surveillance were in the pogrom death records, either because they were in hiding or had left Odessa by then, but maybe some of the victims were related in some way to those who were wanted by the police. Because they were not given full rights as citizens, there were many anti-czarist Jews active in politics who might have been targeted by the police and by the more traditional conservative workers.

There was one Rabinovich on the surveillance list, Viktor Kaim Yankel, age 23, about whom is written: registered in Ukmerge JC; born in Shklov; finished Odessa Realschule; exiled to Siberia for surveillance for 4 years; armed resistance to the authorities in Iakutsk; was arested and sentenced to hard labor (“katorga”); escaped from Aleksandrovsk prison in 1905.

His wife Tauba Iosel Rabinovich (nee Slutsky) was also on police surveillance in Yakutia. His parents and four sisters were on surveillance in Odessa. Victor Rabinovich appears in another online record, Fond 364 (154) in the Odessa archives Прокурор Одесского окружного суда 1870-1920 (The prosecutor of the Odessa District Court 1870-1920)
http://archive.odessa.gov.ua/el_arh/doradjanski/f_601-700/

The first entry on the left reads: Inquiry into the charge against V Kh Ia Rabinovich, S M Levin and others for producing hectograph proclamations for the RSDWP (Russian Socialist Democratic Workers Party) 11 Oct 1904-19 Jan 1905.

fond 634 154 rabinovich propaganda

Fond 634 Odessa archives

The word ‘hectograph’ left me puzzled. I knew about the printing presses and illegal literature of the revolutionaries. I had a Russian Socialist journalist great-uncle who was barred from entry into Russia in the 1880s, but was constantly entering with false passports and spent six months in Wormwood Scrubs in 1913 for travelling with a false passport. He was finally deported to Russia after being interned in Germany from 1914 to 1916, having travelled with a false British passport. It didn’t matter that he had a wife and six British-born children in Britain. I knew that bookbinders were drawn to the revolutionary movement because they were very independent and often itinerant, going from town to town mending and rebinding books. They had the perfect opportunity to carry literature from place to place. But I had never heard of the hectograph. According to the online Early Office Museum (http://www.officemuseum.com/copy_machines.htm):

‘In the hektograph (also spelled “hectograph”) process, which was introduced in 1876 or shortly before, a master was written or typed with a special aniline ink. The master was then placed face down on a tray containing gelatin and pressed gently for a minute or two, with the result that most of the ink transferred to the surface of the gelatin. Gelatin was used because its moisture kept the ink from drying. Copies were made by using a roller to press blank papers onto the gelatin. Each time a copy was made, some ink was removed from the gelatin, and consequently successive copies were progressively lighter. In practice, up to fifty copies could be made from one master.’

1876_Transfer-Tablet-Hektograph-Holcomb_1

Making-Copies-with-the-Hectograph

1876 ad for J. R. Holcomb & Co.’s Transfer Tablet hectograph

Hektograph_composition_bottle_front

Hectographs were occasionally used by artists, especially the Russian futurists and German Expressionists, who experimented with printing methods and making books. The result was a beautiful, faded mimeograph or carbon copy.

Kruchonykh

Kruchonykh’s Myatezh I (Mutiny I) 1920

While looking for information on hectography, I came upon this interesting quotation from Trotsky about organising eight or nine chapters of the South Russian Workers’ Union in Odessa, which led to 28 members of the union being arrested in 1898:

If it had been possible for anyone to look at this with a sober eye, at this group of young people scurrying about in the half-darkness around a miserable hectograph, what a sorry, fantastic thing it would have seemed to imagine that they could, in this way, overthrow a mighty state that was centuries old. And yet this sorry fantasy became a reality within a single generation; and only eight years separated those nights from 1905, and not quite 20 from 1917.
(http://socialistworker.org/2010/09/02/legacy-of-leon-trotsky)

I hadn’t realised that Trotsky (the name apparently came from one of his prison guards in Odessa, which he used on a forged passport) had been brought up on a farm in Ukraine (in a nonreligious Jewish family) and had been sent to live with relations in Odessa when he was nine and then attended a German technical school (realschule), possibly the school attended by Viktor Rabinovich, which had a more practical curriculum than the gymnasium, including science and modern languages. It may have been that the more cosmopolitan atmosphere, integration of different ethnic groups and classes, and increased opportunity for Jewish children to learn Russian even in Jewish schools, helped the growth of radical politics in Odessa. The cousin that Trotsky lived with was a writer and publisher and sparked his love of print and printing presses. (https://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/t/trotsky/leon/my_life/contents.html)

After the diversion with the hectograph, I began to delve into the family names that were on the Peresyp letter and the police surveillance list.

The pogrom at Slobodka-Romanovka

In 1905 Slobodka-Romanovka was a working class area of Odessa isolated from the rest of the city by the railway line that ran through the valley between the city and the suburb.

odessa 1888 whole city

Odessa 1888 centre and suburbs

There are very few online photographs of this area, especially from the past, but one shows the geography of this industrial area. Residential streets are mostly lined with long one-story houses. Slobodka-Romanovka is mentioned repeatedly in the newspaper articles and the reports of the pogrom. Unfortunately, most of the street names have been changed, so it is a challenge to try and imagine what happened to the various families who were said to have been totally wiped out during the pogrom, but a few clues remain.

slobodka 1900s

Slobodka early 1900s

slobodka rom odessa

Slobodka now

The Weitzman (Вейцман Veitsman) family is mentioned in the Jewish Chronicle as one of three families that were completely wiped out by the pogrom. The Weitzmans come up again and again in the records – four members of the family are in the death records, there is a story about them in The Odessa pogrom and self defence 1906, they are in the court records of the Odessa archive, Fond 634, Procecutor of Odessa District Court (Prokuror Odesskogo okruzhnogo suda), 1870-1917, and they are mentioned in an article written by the Odessa archive about their Jewish records. The four victims in the records, all men, were Naum, age 13, Yakov, 20, Khaim-Khaikel, 35, and Avrum, 58. In the 1904-5 directory, an A Veitsman owns 63 Gorodskaya, at the corner of Krivovalkovskaya. There are very few house numbers on the street but a large renovated cream-coloured house with its outbuildings to the left has a double gate labelled 63B, and is one of the largest houses in Slobodka. The other two families said to be wiped out in the Jewish Chronicle article were Davidovich and Rubinstein, both fairly common names, neither of whom appear in any directories in Slobodka.

63 gorodskaya veitsman

63 Gorodskaya (far left)

63 B gorodskaya veitsman 2

63 Gorodskaya

In ‘Jewish History as Reflected in the Documents of the State Archives of Odessa Region’ Avotaynu The International Review of Jewish Genealogy.Vol XXIII; 3, Fall 2007. – P. 41-52), Deputy Director of the archive, Lilia Belousova, writes:

‘Materials on investigations of concrete pogrom cases are also in the Fond 634, Prosecutor of Odessa District Court (Prokuror Odesskogo okruzhnogo suda), 1870-1917, 2286 files. One of them is a case of Rosa Drutman, the victim of pogrom in Odessa in October, 1905. She served at the house of a rich Jewish family of Veizman-Varshavsky and became a witness of cruel massacre by the crowd of Christians against the Jews. Soldiers sent by the local authorities to prevent crimes, in fact marked the beginning of the drama using fire-arms against the Jews. 6 from 9 members of the family were killed. Rosa was wounded three times but survived after two months of treatment. Her witnesses, medicine card, materials of cross-examinations and protocols of court meetings let us to reconstruct the events in details.’

There is one member of the Varshavsky (Варшавский) family in the pogrom death records as well, Shulim-Leizer Husinov Varshavsky, age 40. The Weitzman family is also listed in Fond 634, Prosecutor of Odessa District Court, 1870-1917 as an investigation into the deaths of the Weitzman family during the October 1905 Odessa pogrom.

weitzman fond 634 72

404 Veitzman family deaths

In The Odessa pogrom and self defence, 1906, the story of the Weitzman family is spelled out in more detail. Veitsman and his family wanted to hide at the Slobodka town hospital where he was acquainted with Dr Golovin (professor of ophthalmology); but they were not allowed at the hospital. The policemen Kolloli, Ivanov, Andreev and the coachman killed four of the Veitsman family and five died later in hospital (a discrepancy with the archive information where it says 6 out of 9 died)…At the Potapenko building, 16 were killed.

As only four of the Veitsman family are in the pogrom death records, this implies that those who died a few days after the pogrom from their injuries were one group that were not included in the records. I looked up Veitsman in the 1908 directory and found A Veitsman still listed, at 61 Gorodskaya, but still at the corner of Krivovalkovskaya, with number 63 at the corner of Krivovalkovskaya and Novoslobodskaya, a street which intersects Gorodskaya immediately after Krivovalkovskaya, so another house must have been built in the small space between the two streets. In 1914, the person who had been listed at number 59, had now bought number 61.

1908 dir 61-3 gorodskaya

1908 directory 61-63 Gorodskaya

odessa map  1888 slobodka

Slobodka (bottom left) and Moldavanka (above right)

The Potapenko building mentioned at the end of the Weitzman story was in the middle of Gorodskaya St, number 15 where it crosses Tserkobskaya. There is no way to know whether the 16 people killed in that building are scattered among those in the pogrom death records. Tserkobskaya means Church St, and there was a square with a church at the end but this has now become a market. Gorodskaya means Town St but the name was changed to Chervonoslobidskaya and now incorporates another street so the numbers have been changed on one side, making it impossible to know which side of the corner was number 15.

gorodskaya tserkovskaya corner

Corner of Gorodskaya and Tserkobskaya

around 15 gorodskaya

Typical old house near Gorodskaya and Tserkobskaya

The 1906 report on the pogrom also mentions 4 other men besides the Weitzman family who were killed in Slobodka. Kofman, 47 years old, was thrown out of a second-floor window by the local head of police, Kolloli. Kolloli also cut the throat of the youngest son of a musician, Vaska Nebos. In the pogrom death records there is a Shmil Yankelev Kofman, from Kishinev, who was 58 years old, and a Khaim Ioinovich Kofman, from Dubossar (Dubasari near Kishinev), who was 21. Was the age of the 47-year-old wrong in the records or the report, or was there another Kofman who died in the pogrom? Another two men who do not appear in the records, Garbar and Leo Lycuyu, were killed by the policeman Ivanov. The plumber, Negurov, and his sons, killed Motel Sheindels and his wife. There is a 50-year-old Mordko Sheindels from Kherson and his wife Khaya, also 50, in the pogrom records. Her name is spelt Sheindlis. This name seems to come predominantly from Vilna, spelt Sheindels, with some migrating to the Minsk area and Kishinev. According to the names of people who died in the Holocaust on the Yad Vashem database, there was the name Sheindlis in western Ukraine in Derazhnya and Khmelnik, which may be why the name is spelt in two different ways in the pogrom records. I will return to this family as I trace the story of two orphans, Josef and Israel Scheindless, who were taken to America in 1906. The plumber also killed David Podolsk. Of this group of 7 people, 4 were not in the records.

I could not find anything about the names Garbar, Lycuyu or Nebos. However, Kofman was a very common name in the 1904-5 directory. There were several Kofmans who were businessman living in the centre of the city, several doctors, two properties owned in Moldovanka, and one person, I Kofman, who lived in Slobodka at 39 Sporitinskaya St (now Badajeva St), which was one street over from Tserkobskaya or Church St, where 15 people were killed. Khaim Ioinovich may have been his son. Shmil Kofman may have been renting property or living with family. 39 Sporitinskaya is a typical one story Slobodka house on a small lane with double gates to a yard at the side. Many of these small lanes are still barely paved.

39 sporintinskaya kofman slobodka badajeva st39 Sporitinskaya St

slobodka lane off kladovyschenska ayukovskaya

small lane near Sporitinskaya St

As there were so many young and middle-aged men in the pogrom death records, and so many policeman involved in the Slobodka massacre, it seemed possible that the police had already been watching people connected with socialist and revolutionary groups and began targeting them during the pogrom. The secret police had a rapidly growing and complex surveillance system at the time. Jabotinsky, in his autobiographical novel The Five, describes how, in the run-up to the 1905 revolution, the police were recruiting the caretakers of buildings to watch people’s movements. There is an online list called Jews under surveillance 1905 (http://www.eilatgordinlevitan.com/rokiskis/rok_pages/jews_under_police_surveillance_1905_parts1and2.html)
which lists entire families under surveillance, where they were from, and where they were living at the time. Several of the last names in the pogrom death records were on the list from Odessa. The name Kofman is not on this list but is in another online document, Okhrana records XIII, incoming dispatches from Paris in 1905. One dispatch says:

‘Interc. letter from “Nilka” in Geneva to Osip Kofman in Odessa, for Faya: asks for assistance in distributing the manifesto of the Anarcho-Communists 553 Interc. letter from “R. K.” in Paris.’

Osip is not the kind of name that turns up in the pogrom death records, which tend towards more traditional Jewish names. I noticed in browsing through an online document of the 1903 Odessa University enrolment that the Jewish students were more likely to have Russian first names, like Osip, especially those whose fathers were first or second guild merchants (купец). So were the Kofmans in Slobodka targeted because they were related in some way to or involved with Osip Kofman, who was distributing illegal literature in Odessa, or was this simply a coincidence?

One last story in the 1906 chapter on the Slobodka pogrom concerns a 13-year-old boy, Moishka Shuster, who was hiding on the roof of his building behind the chimney as firing was going on inside the building and soldiers were firing bullets from the street. To complete their work at the house, the policeman, Ivanov, climbed to the roof, struck the boy with his axe, and threw him down to the ground. The boy’s arms and legs were broken and he lost all his lower teeth, but he lived and was taken to hospital.

In the Semenov report, there is no mention of individual names of people who died in Slobodka. One witness, Basya Senderevich, a wounded woman from 21 Gorodskaya, said she had seen eight people in her building killed. In another house in Gorodskaya seven people were killed. And so it went on…

21-23 gorodskaya

21-23 Gorodskaya